Adewale: My Mission is to Ensure Tinubu Becomes the Last Incapable Person to Govern Nigeria 

In this interview with Chuks Okocha, the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party in the 2023 general election, Chief Adebayo Adewale speaks on a wide range of issues and how he hopes to defeat incumbent President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election. Excerpts:

You are from the South-west; are you not intimidated by President Bola Tinubu incumbency? 

I’m at peace with myself and I will challenge him. The country is in turmoil – insecurity, killings in Plateau, Zamfara, and Benue states, and a lack of opportunities. What Nigeria needs at this moment is a capable hand that can move the country forward. We don’t need tribe or religion to move Nigeria forward. Nigerians should do away with the myth that dislodging an incumbent is impossible

Tinubu’s trip without regard for the constitution is a cavalier way which must be put to an end. This president doesn’t understand the oath of office he took! He started violating the oath right from Eagle Square till now.

My mission is to make sure that Tinubu is the last to be a bad president by making reasonable Nigerians believe in the politics of their country.

Are you not intimidated by the likes of former Vice President Atiku Abubukar and Nasiru el-Rufai? 

The media is the problem here. As I talk with you here, Atiku is not a member of the SDP. I have checked with the chairman of the SDP in Adamawa State and even with the chairman of his ward; the feedback I get is that he is a member of the PDP. The same with El-Rufai. In Kaduna State, they said that they don’t know him as a member of the party.

In any case, the more the merrier. I can’t be intimidated by them. This is politics. My party members know that I’m for the 2027 presidential election. That you are disfavoured in a party and jumped out to another doesn’t make you an opposition leader, but unemployed! The critical contradiction in opposition politics in Nigeria is that, we have many people whose opposition consists of changing the incumbent without changing the system.

How will you tackle the killing of farmers by herdsmen? 

My security research and analysis show that some of the conflicts are linked to herder-farmer disputes, but it goes beyond that. Much of it is terrorism, criminality within the government, or politics using violence to unsettle opponents. The conflict arises because the government isn’t playing its role in agriculture. Globally, agriculture is an industry with rules, unlike professions like law or journalism, which don’t generate violence. Animal farming must have laws.

First, implement laws controlling the movement, recognition, and registration of livestock. Management of farmlands to prevent conflicts, ensuring farmlands are designated and registered with local governments. Every cattle in a local government must be registered, and movement across local government lines requires registration. We must maintain a national livestock registry, including new calves, and mandate insurance for every cattle.

This mirrors third-party insurance for vehicles, which reduced disputes by ensuring compensation without fights. Similarly, insured cattle and crops would reduce conflicts. If a registered animal dies, the owner calls the insurance company for assessment and compensation, eliminating the need for violence.

For the terrorism aspect, the government has tools for advance warning, including the DSS. Yet, in many communities, there’s no dedicated number to report strangers—a governance failure. Chinua Achebe noted in 1982 that leadership is Nigeria’s problem. Symptoms of bad leadership are mistaken for new issues. A president who travels excessively, neglects security reports, and takes a cavalier approach fails in this role. The job demands commitment.

Regarding banditry and terrorism in the North, particularly the North-east and North-west, the governor of Borno State, Babagana Zulum, said some local governments have been taken over by terrorists. What is your approach to tackling the Boko Haram-ISWAP crisis?

A nation’s flag and map signify territorial integrity. Any government unable to maintain this isn’t a government. Whether independently or with partners, territorial integrity must be upheld, ensuring court warrants can be executed nationwide.

Having ungovernable swaths controlled by outlaws is unacceptable. The problem is that those in government lack governance knowledge. They’re attracted to the privileges and titles of office, not the responsibilities.

Imagine a chief physician in a federal medical centre who ignores medicine to focus on finances. They’d fail. The President, as Commander-in-Chief, must treat this role as a job, not an appellation. The composition and orientation of the armed forces’ senior officers must reflect this.

When I ran, I consulted 89 retired senior officers, mostly generals and colonels, to understand issues like Benue, Boko Haram, and banditry. As a potential Commander-in-Chief, I need to know the specifics—what happened, precedents, and differences between regions. Banditry in Benue differs from Boko Haram, and both differ from other conflicts. Some issues, like Boko Haram, exceed state government capacity.

Current responses are reactionary and sporadic, causing problems. The president must share intelligence with key stakeholders, as the situation is escalating. I’m concerned for those affected now and those who will be affected if this continues.

What’s your view on state police?

In my personal opinion, it’s not just about state police. Every level of government with legislative authority should inherently possess corresponding enforcement powers. It undermines sovereignty to claim, “I can pass a law prohibiting parking here,” but lack the authority to appoint marshals to enforce it. If, as a local government, I enact a law stating that markets must open at 7 a.m. and close at 7 p.m., why should I rely on the federal government to enforce it? I should have the power to deploy marshals to ensure compliance. Similarly, if I establish laws on hygiene, such as mandatory food inspections, I should have the authority to enforce them against violations.

Logically and philosophically, this principle is clear. In a unitary state, all laws and policing powers emanate from a single source. However, in a federal system, every tier of government with legislative competence must also have enforcement competence within its jurisdiction. This is the standard practice.

Thus, federal police enforce federal laws, state police enforce state laws, and local council police enforce council by-laws. In the United States, where I’ve lived for many years, this is evident. Universities have campus police, and cities have their own police forces.

This system existed in Nigeria during the First Republic but was abused—not to the extent we see today. However, the current abuse stems from the president’s ability to exert undue influence over state governors, facilitated by the constitutional immunity provided under Section 308. This immunity restricts governors’ autonomy.

Consider the situation in Rivers State: Had the crisis persisted, Governor Fubara might have been forcibly removed by federal authorities. A federated system requires that each unit functions independently.

States should also have their own prisons or correctional facilities. In the U.S., minor offences like reckless driving or domestic violence typically lead to detention in county jails, not federal prisons. For instance, when Donald Trump was arrested for violating Georgia state laws, he was taken to Fulton County Jail, as the case was prosecuted by the Fulton County Prosecutor.

We must govern strictly and intelligently, adhering to proper systems. The reluctance to establish order stems from entrenched indiscipline. The public behaves as though they have no say in who occupies public offices, allowing unqualified individuals to be appointed to suit the whims of those in power.

For example, if you appoint a visually impaired person as a driver, you might limit vehicles to two miles per hour, ensuring you never reach your destination. Similarly, you wouldn’t ground all aircraft because your village lacks pilots. Public offices must be filled by qualified individuals who can operate effectively within the constitutional framework. The President with all due respect, may meet nominal qualifications, but his character, diligence, and seriousness fall short.

Correcting this requires appointing individuals of merit, not those even less qualified. When selecting senators, representatives, or assembly members, we must prioritise competence. This is where Nigeria falters. If you’re building a hospital, the chief matron must be a qualified nurse—appointing an unqualified person risk life.

The Nigerian elite and electorate often ignore the qualifications required for public office. We appoint individuals to government roles whom we wouldn’t trust to marry our daughters or employ as accountants in our private companies. Yet, we place them as ministers or commissioners of finance. This reflects our lack of seriousness about governance.

Governance determines the difference between poverty and prosperity, security and insecurity, development and underdevelopment. Nigeria could be a paradise, but it isn’t. I recently returned from the Middle East, where water flows more reliably in desert homes than in Nigerian universities. This highlights the failure of Nigeria’s current elite.

If today’s elite had led Nigeria during the First Republic, we might still be under colonial rule, extorted by the British for independence. The current generation would not have built a single university, and any that existed would be substandard. Our new universities fall short because we’ve isolated ourselves from global standards.